{"id":89490,"date":"2023-12-06T12:18:28","date_gmt":"2023-12-06T11:18:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.futuribles.com\/la-colere-et-loubli\/"},"modified":"2024-10-31T14:25:40","modified_gmt":"2024-10-31T13:25:40","slug":"la-colere-et-loubli","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.futuribles.com\/en\/la-colere-et-loubli\/","title":{"rendered":"La Col\u00e8re et l\u2019oubli"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Since the beginning of the war in Syria, six thousand Europeans have traveled to the Levant to fight alongside Daesh and the al-Nusra front. How did a marginal phenomenon, born in Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation, become so prevalent? By what processes of Salafi-jihadi ideology did it spread through Europe to the point of producing a \u201cnew Islamic identity,\u201d adopted by certain Muslims, which condemns the values of European societies and threatens their cohesion, and so their democratic foundations?<\/h6>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Micheron is a doctor of political science and lecturer at the Sciences Po Paris School of International Affaires. He has been studying jihadism in France since 2015. In this book (Anger and Forgetting: Democracies in the Face of European Jihadism<\/em>), he extends his field of study to the whole of Europe and attempts to analyze how this murderous ideology has evolved, ebbing and flowing in response to the international context and local environments. Periods of attacks alternate with phases of restructuring during which militants adapt and perfect their discourse and their preaching and recruitment techniques. The author hopes that his analysis will provide political leaders and the general public with the tools to anticipate the threat, rather than simply enduring it. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Micheron distinguishes three phases. The first began with the end of the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan and lasted until the attacks of September 11, 2001. Although contemporary jihadism dates back to that war, it really took shape behind the frontlines, in Peshawar, where religious institutions refined the indoctrination and training of activists. After the fall of the communist regime in Kabul and the subsequent civil war, veterans left the region to continue the fight in Bosnia,[1]<\/a><\/sup> Algeria,[2]<\/a><\/sup> or in certain European cities, where they settled having fled their own country. This phase saw the birth of European jihadism, with the emergence of extremist hotbeds in London \u2014 \u201cLondonistan\u201d \u2014 , Brussels, and Copenhagen. The end of the war in Bosnia and the \u201cCivil Concord\u201d in Algeria gave the illusion of a geopolitical lull, while al-Qaeda, hosted by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, prepared attacks in Tanzania, Kenya, Strasbourg,[3]<\/a><\/sup> and, on September 11, 2001, on American soil.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second phase spanned the first decade of the twenty-first century and ended with the outbreak of the Syrian civil war. It was marked by the emergence of new actors \u2014 \u201cpioneers\u201d \u2014 who had not previously undertaken jihad and who took the baton from the veterans. They originated in particularly virulent jihadist hotbeds, such as those in Ulm and Toulouse. Here, again, the international context[4]<\/a><\/sup> galvanized an ideology that exploited the economic, social, political, and cultural marginalization of Muslim immigrants. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The third phase started with the war in Syria. For Salafi-jihadists it offered new opportunities, but also an alternative to incarceration. In the wake of the pioneers who went to fight, other new recruits headed to the front. Others directly joined the caliphate reestablished by Daesh in Mosul, the embodiment of an ideal proto-state in which everyone was subject to sharia law. Members of a family circle or friendship group often emigrated together, the men accompanied by their wives and children, with the aim of settling the new state. Allegiance to Daesh meant denying the very existence of the West. It had to be reflected in acts on the frontline or the killing of infidels \u2014 whether apostates or unbelievers \u2014 anywhere in the world: a wave of particularly deadly attacks began, striking Brussels, Paris, Copenhagen, Nice, Berlin, Istanbul, London, Manchester, and Barcelona.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond the terrifying events outlined in the book, several key ideas stand out. First, and contrary to common belief, the jihadist phenomenon neither originated nor developed in particularly marginalized neighborhoods or areas with populations from formerly colonized nations, as shown by the existence of one of the first jihadist hubs in Copenhagen, or later in Ulm, in the \u201ctech belt\u201d of Southern Germany. In contrast, the decisive factor was primarily the establishment in an area of \u201cradical entrepreneurs,\u201d who presented themselves as intellectuals and often boasted of ties to the original ideologues connected to the Muslim Brotherhood.[5]<\/a><\/sup> <\/p>\n\n\n<\/div>\n

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Micheron<\/span> Hugo, La Col\u00e8re et l\u2019oubli. Les d\u00e9mocraties face au jihadisme europ\u00e9en<\/em>, Paris: Gallimard, April 2023, 374\u00a0p.<\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n \n \n <\/a>\n <\/div>\n \"\"\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n

The second factor was the presence of a Muslim community, of foreign origin, that was already tightly knit thanks to networks of mutual aid and shared public spaces. For example, the municipality of Molenbeek, in Brussels, has a high proportion of residents of Moroccan origin. The final factor was a nodal geographic location at the crossroads of transport routes and at the intersection of several administrative zones, enabling jihadists to evade eventual pursuit more easily. The second key idea is that the establishment of jihadism in Europe relied on a powerful preaching apparatus that united organizations (Sharia4UK in the United Kingdom, Kaldet til Islam in Denmark, Profetens Ummah in Norway, and so on), training institutions, solidarity networks, financing channels, and media, which sometimes operated in full public view, even going so far as to call for a democratic overthrow on television. And Micheron notes that governments, whether confident in their societal models or fearful of departing from the rule of law by creating a crime of opinion, were slow to expand their legal frameworks. Two examples, among many: the Terrorism Act was only passed by the UK Parliament in 2000, although the first instances of European jihadism date from the early 1990s; the French prisoners\u2019 aid association San\u00e2bil, founded in 2009 from his prison cell by Fabien Clain \u2014 who was responsible for the attacks in Paris on November 13, 2015 \u2014 was only dissolved in 2016.<\/p>\n

It is true \u2014 the third key idea \u2014 that Salafi-jihadists are particularly skilled at manipulating public opinion, presenting themselves as victims of Islamophobia \u2014 after all, did they not seek to redefine the contours of freedom of expression in the debate over caricatures? \u2014 and denouncing the social exclusion of young people from non-European immigrant backgrounds. In that respect, they excel at exploiting the political weaknesses and identity issues of the democracies they target. In 1995, for example, the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) attempted to deflect attention from the atrocities committed in the name of jihad in Algeria by carrying out a series of attacks in France, which it justified as legitimate reprisals. More broadly, any attack or even attempt serves to increase the polarization of society: those who worry about terrorism are accused of playing into the hands of the far right, while those who try to put the phenomenon into perspective end up normalizing jihadist doctrine.<\/p>\n

Finally, the fourth key idea: prisons are undeniably a site of radicalization because they bring together veterans, pioneers, and violent criminals for whom radical Islam offers a kind of religious redemption.<\/p>\n

Nowadays, although the destruction of the caliphate has ushered in a new ebb period, Salafi-jihadism continues to prosper among Europeans, offering solutions to their daily worries and identity concerns. The risk is that its proponents will manage to impose their doctrine as the Islamic norm. To contain the threat, Micheron warns, European governments and civil societies must tackle the question head on and provide, beyond legal solutions, \u201cintellectual, political, and religious antibodies.\u201d<\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n

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\n Voir aussi<\/span>\n
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\n \n \"\"<\/a>\n <\/span>\n \n Boko Haram: The History of an African Jihadist Movement<\/a>\n \n \n \n <\/use>\n<\/svg>\n <\/a>\n <\/span>\n
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15 June 2018<\/div>\n HOMMEL Thierry<\/a>\n
\n 6 min.\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n
\n \n \n <\/use>\n<\/svg>\n\n Lu, vu, entendu\n <\/a>\n G\u00e9opolitique<\/a>\n Soci\u00e9t\u00e9<\/a>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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This article has been translated from French and edited by Cadenza Academic Translations. Translator: Isabelle Chaize, Editor: Zahira Ransome, Senior editor: Mark Mellor<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n\n\n

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  1. \n

    In 1993, the Serbian army began a campaign of ethnic cleansing targeting Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks). \u2191<\/a><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  2. \n

    In 1993, the opposition to the National Liberation Front (FLN) splintered and the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) was created. \u2191<\/a><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  3. \n

    In 2000, there was a failed terrorist attack in the center of Strasbourg. \u2191<\/a><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  4. \n

    The US intervention in Afghanistan began on October 7, 2001; the US invaded Irak on March 20, 2003. \u2191<\/a><\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  5. \n

    The Muslim Brotherhood is a transnational Sunni organization. \u2191<\/a><\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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