Cette page regroupe l'ensemble des publications de Futuribles sur cette thématique (Vigie, revue, bibliographie, études, etc.)
L'immigration est-elle la solution aux futurs problèmes démographiques européens ? Sans doute, si l'on en croit cet article qui tente d'analyser quantitativement les effets des tendances migratoires futures sur la croissance et l'âge de la population de l'Europe des 15 d'ici à 2050. Il s'agit d'une comparaison de ces tendances avec celles des taux de fécondité et de mortalité au sein de cette zone, afin de savoir jusqu'où équilibrer la baisse des ...
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Cette enquête porte sur un échantillon représentatif de 16 500 personnes, environ 1 000 personnes par État membre de l'Union européenne. Elle montre que si la majorité des Européens est favorable aux applications médicales des biotechnologies, elle reste très sceptique sur leur utilisation dans l'agriculture. De tous les pays, le Royaume-Uni est celui où les OGM suscitent le moins de rejet (31 %), tandis que la Grèce rassemble le plus grand nombre d'opposants (63 %). De plus, le soutien ...
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Les scénarios présents dans le GEO-3 (Global Environment Outlook - 3) ont servi de base pour cette étude plus spécifiquement centrée sur l'Europe. Dans la première partie de l'ouvrage, les implications de chaque scénario sont en effet déclinées au niveau du continent, qui est divisé en trois zones (Union européenne, Europe centrale, et enfin Europe orientale et Asie centrale). Dans le premier scénario, « Le marché d'abord », caractérisé par un processus continu de libéralisation des échanges et de privatisations ...
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Une zone de libre-échange euro-méditerranéenne regroupant les 15 pays de l'Union européenne et 12 partenaires du sud et de l'est de la Méditerranée se met progressivement en place dans le cadre du partenariat euro-méditerranéen, qui a pour objectif 2010. Les produits agricoles sont actuellement exclus, mais les négociations s'ouvrent, ou vont s'ouvrir, dans le cadre des accords d'association. Comme l'ont montré les premiers travaux sur ce thème de la Commission méditerranéenne du développement durable ...
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L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser les facteurs qui vont jouer sur le volume et la composition des déchets ménagers dans les pays de l'Union européenne à l'horizon 2020, pour en dégager les implications en termes de politiques et de gestion. Pour cela, l'IPTS et ses deux partenaires le TNO (Nederlandse Organisatie voor Toegepast, Organisation néerlandaise pour la recherche scientifique appliquée) et le VDI (Verein Deutscher Ingenieure, Association allemande des ingénieurs) se sont d'abord ...
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Le ministère britannique des Affaires étrangères vient de publier un document intitulé UK International Priorities: A Strategy for the FCO [Les priorités internationales du Royaume-Uni. Une stratégie pour le FCO]. C'est une grande première, pilotée par Simon Fraser, le directeur de la stratégie et de l'innovation du Foreign Office. Ce document explique que la Grande-Bretagne « fait face à un agenda global de problèmes partagés, qui affectent la sécurité et la prospérité du Royaume-Uni et des autres pays. Nous ...
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En 2000, le gouvernement indien a demandé à la Commission de la planification de constituer un comité « Vision 2020 » chargé d'imaginer un futur souhaitable pour le pays. Une trentaine d'experts de différents domaines se sont ainsi réunis pendant deux ans pour mettre au point cette vision, qui, comme il est précisé dès l'introduction, n'est ni une prédiction, ni une compilation de désirs irréalistes. Il s'agit plutôt d'une série d'objectifs que le pays peut ...
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Between now and June 2003, the European Convention must make proposals to the enlarged European Union for institutions that are at last designed to meet the EU's purposes. This article by Robert Toulemon is therefore timely. In it, he emphasises the political and humanistic dimension of the moves towards unification and offers a third way between the two opposing schools of thought which have existed for the last half-century: intergovernmental cooperation versus federalism.
After recalling the issue involved -"to avoid an enlarged European Union being impotent"- Toulemon discusses in turn the aims and range of competencies of the EU; its potential institutional arrangements; and the procedures to ensure what he calls the "necessary differentiation within integration".
With regard to aims and competencies, it is important to know what we want to do together. Toulemon argues that we want more than a single market -we would like to create a political union with real power to determine foreign policy and defence policy issues; within the EU, we need control over law and order, as well as social and fiscal matters.
Toulemon emphasises clearly that the preamble to any future Constitution for the EU should set out the key competencies that ought to be devolved upwards to the Union while also ensuring that European institutions do not drown in the detail, and community involvement in "minor" matters (rules on hygiene, dates for the start of the hunting season and the like) should remain the responsibility of individual states or regions.
With regard to the institutional arrangements, Toulemon dismisses both traditional schools of thought and instead argues in favour of having a President of the Union and a "presidium" of half a dozen respected individuals who -and this is important- would be responsible for representing the common interests of Europe as a whole and not the special interests of the member states. At the same time, he offers various suggestions for making the EU more democratic and for organising the necessary legislative bodies.
Lastly, as to "differentiation within integration", Toulemon ponders the possible ways of solving the present dilemma in which the expression of a real European political will is hindered, in particular with regard to the decision-making process, and yet unanimity is required, which is all too often a cause of paralysis.
Toulemon is highly critical of the fact that a tiny minority can permanently block the clear wishes of the majority, even with regard to constitutional matters. He offers various proposals for ways of giving EU bodies the speed and efficiency required for some kinds of decision-making. In particular, he suggests adopting a straightforward rule of two-thirds majority voting, which would give states a certain freedom of choice without paralysing the whole Union.
Les scénarios européens élaborés à l'horizon 2020 par le Groupe de prospective DATAR " Europe et aménagement du territoire " sont présentés dans cet article. Des scénarios partiels s'appliquent aux quatre grands sous-systèmes susceptibles d'influer sur l'aménagement de l'espace européen : les frontières de l'Union européenne, sa gouvernance, ses compétences et l'organisation spatiale du continent. On expose ensuite la méthode de construction des scénarios généraux, avant de résumer les cinq scénarios finalement retenus : l'Europe pré ...
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This article looks at the aftermath of the attacks of 11 September 2001 and the anti-terrorist measures put in place by the Bush Administration in the United States. Above all, it is a warning about the dangers to academic freedom that these measures could cause: withholding of information, limited access for foreign students to American laboratories, embargo on the publication of the results of research that the Pentagon considers (rightly or wrongly) to be sensitive, etc. In the long run, the factors that have made the American research system so outstanding - its openness and its ability to absorb talented foreigners - could quite easily be undermined.
The new threats following the events of 11 September certainly give legitimacy to the secrecy imposed on "classified" research with regard to defence needs, but should such research now be conducted in university laboratories rather than in defence establishments and industrial laboratories linked to the Pentagon? Are the measures envisaged in the Patriot Act, recently adopted by Congress to deal with the challenges of terrorism, compatible with the principles and values of academic research?
Eugene B. Skolnikoff emphasizes that the situation now is far more delicate than during the Cold War (when the McCarthy witch-hunts deeply affected the conduct of research in the US): a clash is inevitable between, on the one side, freedom to undertake research, access to information, sharing of results and openness to the outside world, and on the other, the government's efforts to erect barriers around knowledge and to institute discriminatory measures against students on the basis of their nationality.
Jean-Marie Chevalier et Olivier Pastré sont venus présenter à Futuribles leur ouvrage, né du constat que les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 avaient suscité beaucoup de discours sur leurs conséquences sur la conjoncture économique, mais peu de réflexions globales sur les changements structurels profonds qui risquaient d'en découler. C'est pourquoi ils ont décidé de solliciter les économistes pour lesquels ils avaient le plus d'estime, et qui tous ont répondu à l'appel.
One of today's most successful portmanteau terms, as the sociologists call them, is undoubtedly the principle of "subsidiarity" - a word that is now used for all manner of things, but above all in every discussion, whether European or national, of the future of our institutions and the redistribution of competencies among different levels of public administration.
If, in invoking this principle, the idea is generally to insist on the need to deal with issues as close as possible to where they have an impact (proximity principle), it is nevertheless the case that this well-known principle is, according to Yves Gaudemet, ambiguous and debatable, without real legal or practical meaning.
After showing how widely this principle is now used, especially in debates about European unification and the creation of appropriate public institutions, Yves Gaudemet argues first why the principle of subsidiarity is so ambiguous, and then why its future is so uncertain.
Tony Blair, the British Prime Minister, acknowledged that "subsidiarity is the word that saves the Treaty of Maastricht". It does so because everybody can interpret it as suits them best, says Yves Gaudemet, who in the course of this article argues that affirming this principle does not resolve anything and can in no way take the place of the indispensable sharing out of responsibilities within the European Union.
There are more and more books about anti-Americanism in France, and it is true that in the emotional relationship between France and the United States, resentment and frustration on the part of weak for the strong have tended to generate criticisms in which denigration has long been the result more of ignorance than of arrogance. Today this anti-Americanism needs to be put in perspective, partly because the French (especially young people) have taken to travelling in the United States and therefore have less biased views than the older generation; but mainly because it is much too hasty to dismiss all critical analysis of American foreign policy as anti-American. Critical views are all the more legitimate given that there are commentators among both Democrats and Republicans in the United States who refuse to accept blindly the declarations of President George W. Bush in his crusade against the "axis of evil", in particular against Iraq under Saddam Hussein.
Moreover, it is important to be aware of and understand the deep roots of the unilateralism that the current US Administration pursues so aggressively and, beyond its historical and cultural origins, the influence that the Jacksonian tradition has always exerted to varying degrees in the design and implementation of American foreign policy. Admittedly, if America seems imperialist, argues Jean-Jacques Salomon, this is primarily due to Europe's inadequacies.
Since we cannot publish all of Walter Russell Mead's text, owing to lack of space, he summarizes certain passages, and stresses how far the temptation to act unilaterally derives from values and practices that are deeply rooted in popular attitudes: the code of honour and the religious belief in America's ability to win in any situation. The image of the cowboy, lone champion of good against Osama ben Laden or Saddam Hussein, reflects the whole mythology that inspired the western and that certain American commentators willingly invoke in criticizing the reservations and hesitations, if not the tendency to Munich-style appeasement, of their European allies.
This text is all the more revealing because it was originally published more than a year before the attacks of 11 September 2001. As with Pearl Harbor, it is not so much the actual number of people killed that explains the Jacksonian reaction in the United States, but rather the intense revulsion at the violation of the sanctuary. We are shown clearly a very different vision of the world to the one that prevailed in Washington during the Cold War, a vision in which the US can now manage without the support of allies, abandons its former alliances, challenges any international solidarity and intends to deal with terrorist opponents all by itself, defending only America's own interests. In this crusade, W.R. Mead suggests, oil is a far more important factor than compassion for the victims of Saddam Hussein. The two sides of the Atlantic are definitely no longer singing from the same hymn sheet. But if this article had been written by a Frenchman, would it not have been criticized as yet another example of anti-Americanism?
Ce nouveau Cahier de Chaillot tente de définir la forme que pourrait prendre aujourd'hui l'Union européenne (UE) en matière de politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC). En effet, face aux défis de l'après-guerre froide, les modèles traditionnels de l'UE – puissance civile, militaire ou normative - ne semblent plus appropriés. Selon l'auteur, l'Union devrait fonder ses actions extérieures sur un concept de sécurité coopérative, intégrant les dimensions civile, militaire et normative, dans une approche globale ...
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Population growth in European countries -as in any region- depends on both natural increase (the difference between births and deaths) and, to a large extent, on migration flows, i.e. the net outcome of residents leaving and people arriving, whether from within Europe or from outside. It is therefore extremely important to measure these flows accurately and, since the aim is to control them, to try to anticipate or at least understand the factors that may be driving or restraining them.
Unfortunately, according to Michel Poulain and Anne Herm, our knowledge of the flows within the European Union and of immigration from other countries is remarkably hazy -even though accurate knowledge is an obvious prerequisite for any ultimate agreement on a common migration policy- because the methods used for measuring flows are not altogether satisfactory and differ from country to country. For example, the authors point out, the estimates of the number of Italian immigrants in Belgium differ widely depending on which country's statistics you use.
Michel Poulain and Anne Herm present a sometimes surprising description of the methods used to measure international mobility, stressing the practical problems, the uncertainties surrounding the figures currently collected, indeed the real oddities that can occur.
In the second section, while bearing in mind the difficulties with the available statistics, the authors present an overview of the main trends within the European Union, focusing first on the size of the foreign populations in each of the member states and then on the special features of migration flows into Europe from outside.
While the growth of population flows within Europe augur well for greater European unity, the authors nevertheless conclude that there is an urgent need for more reliable data on international migration and, furthermore, this will be achieved only if there is a clear policy for the EU as a whole. Unfortunately, in this area even more than others, there is a regrettable tendency among the member states to shy away from the problem, doubtless for fear that the truth might be too disturbing.
Gabriel Fragnière shares his view of the cultural transformations currently under way in Europe: he argues that Europeans are about to arrive at true multiculturalism, synonymous with the emergence of 'a new kind of humanism that makes diversity the basis of what brings them together'.
Before coming to this conclusion, he offers his own definition of culture: 'the sum total of values, beliefs, attitudes [...] that are specific to a society [...] helping to generate a feeling of identity and belonging'. He shows how our societies have moved towards a plurality of cultures, which he defines as a trend away from centralization and an imposed monoculture, affirming instead a large number of individual cultures. By introducing a greater degree of decentralization, and therefore of democracy, and encouraging respect for others, pluriculturalism is therefore an indispensable step towards multiculturalism.
Yet multiculturalism does not simply mean juxtaposing different cultures. Rather, it is 'a social experience and a new way of organizing society, [...] a balance of differences that avoids both social disintegration and fusion that denies the very existence of differences'. It strengthens the unity of society as a whole by making a clear distinction between social organization and cultural identification.
Gabriel Fragnière illustrates his argument with examples drawn from the cultural functions of language (understood as 'cultural language'): communication, expression, socialization and identification. It is the way in which these elements interrelate that reveals the cultural state of an entity. Multiculturalism exists when the relationships are not one-way and when the unity of the whole of society is not challenged by the observed diversity. In this sense, he argues, Europe has indeed moved into an era of multiculturalism.
The treaty of Maastricht confirmed this by establishing a 'European citizenship' that shatters the traditional strict separation of identity, nationality and citizenship. We must therefore expect an increasing backlash of claims by minorities and others demanding that their identity be recognized within their national context while at the same time appealing to a citizenship wider than that context, as well as rights over which nation-states no longer have control.
Ce chapitre est extrait du Rapport Vigie 2016 de Futuribles International, qui propose un panorama structuré des connaissances et des incertitudes des experts que l'association a mobilisés pour explorer les évolutions des 15 à 35 prochaines années sur 11 thématiques.