« Il faut s’adapter » est le grand impératif du monde économique, politique et social, face aux défis de compétition, de concurrence et de transformation de notre environnement. Mais s’adapter à quoi et sous quelles modalités d’organisation sociopolitique ? Voilà en substance la controverse que pose ici Barbara Stiegler, professeur de philosophie politique à l’université de Bordeaux. Grâce à une vaste fresque historique, elle retrace la chronologie d’un débat méconnu, celui qui opposa deux penseurs du néolibéralisme, Walter ...
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Depuis environ un an, la question de la condition animale occupe la scène politique et médiatique. Alors que les colloques se succèdent autour du statut juridique des animaux, le parti animaliste, créé en 2016, dont l’objectif est de relayer les diverses revendications liées à la défense des animaux afin de faire passer leur protection dans la loi, a recueilli, à la surprise générale, plus de 63 000 voix sur 142 circonscriptions en France, lors des élections législatives de 2017 ...
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Jean-Claude Casanova and Christian Bachelier have assembled and presented with a commentary a collection of the courses given by Raymond Aron, at the Sorbonne or the Collège de France, on Marx and Marxist thought. Jean-Jacques Salomon discusses the results of their work, published at the end of 2002 under the title Le Marxisme de Marx (Paris: Éditions de Fallois, 2002). He shows how Raymond Aron tried in his teaching to decode Marxist thought, to relate it to what was actually observed in society, and to emphasize how clearly Marx perceived (even foresaw) many contemporary problems. For Jean-Jacques Salomon, this was Aron's best book (even if he was not, strictly speaking, the author); it is an analytical tool that will be indispensable when there is -as there certainly will be, according to him -a "return to Marx".
Taking as his starting-point a recent article by Richard Thaler on the future of economics, Alain Michel launches a vigorous attack on "economic science" which is interested only in homo oeconomicus with his supposedly rational behaviour, and pleads instead for "political economy" which is concerned with homo sapiens as a being also motivated by emotions, sensitivity, perhaps with a soul.
He shows how economists, utterly convinced of the scientific nature of their work, have managed to create a form of economics that is heavily mathematical and nothing to do with the real world -an approach that is admittedly not without interest, but its claims to objectivity are exaggerated and it lacks real descriptive force.
He points out that human beings are not bloodless agents who act in a purely rational way, so that their actions cannot be understood without combining the branches of knowledge that have been artificially separated in the name of science. He is therefore highly critical of the current scientism, and in fact highlights its limits; instead he argues passionately in favour of a more interdisciplinary approach that is better suited to an understanding of homo sapiens, who for that matter is a more congenial being.
Cet ouvrage est le résultat de l'analyse approfondie d'un aspect trop souvent ignoré de la pensée de Tocqueville, à savoir sa réflexion économique et sociale sur un thème crucial au XIXe siècle : le paupérisme. Selon Éric Keslassy, lorsqu'on étudie cet aspect de la pensée du philosophe, on constate qu'il n'était pas aussi libéral que certains le prétendent : « c'est un libéral politique qui, sur le plan économique, se positionne à égale distance du libéralisme économique ...
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New forms of political engagement
Two themes are recurrent in literature on the future: One is that of crisis, of social fracture accompanying the growth of unemployment, inequality and exclusion. The other forecasts social explosion, if not revolution. What can political science tell us about collective motivation and action?
At first (from the 18th century to 1950), political involvement was taken as normative, even metaphysical. The active, committed citizen was an axiom of political science, says Perrineau. Then, in a second period, its practitioners discovered the reality of the passive citizen. Since the start of the eighties they have rediscovered political involvement but under a diversified, exploded form.
Traditional political participation is in crisis, Perrineau affirms. The left/right cleavage is becoming less significant, membership in parties and labour unions is wilting, along with voter turnout. The centre of policy decisions is shifting from national to local and international levels.
On the other hand, new kinds of participation and involvement are forming around the great ethical and humanitarian issues implied by ecology. In place of the old democratic trio of party, mass mobilization and terminal negotiations is substituted a trio of interest groups, experts in communications, and image-building with media forums and opinion surveys. The trend is to individuation, atomization, blurring of boundaries and the political landscape - all of which contribute to greater unpredictability.